RASAIL O MASAIL BY MAULANA MAUDUDI PDF
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The Only Searchable URDU app for Daily Problem and Solution (Rasail o Masail ), It is also called questions and answers with Moulana Maududi (Maulana. Rasail Wa Masail Vol 2 - Syed Abul Aala Maududi download & read online pdf. Editorials of Pakistani News Papers, News, Articles & PDF Books. Rasail Wa Masail Vol 1 - Syed Abul Aala Maududi download & read pdf.
Mingling of men and women and co-education are evils.
Islamic Constitution has four sources: the Quran, sunnah. Conventions of the four righteous caliphs, and the rulings of the great jurists. Party system is not allowed. The head of state must be a Muslim. Only Muslim can be full citizens. No women can be elected to the assembly. It is also prohibited to vote in elections to such bodies [Rasail-o-Masail, Vol. If a Muslim wants to become non-Muslim he must leave the Islamic state; if he stays, he is to be tried for high treason interview to Freeland K.
Abbot, Muslim World, Vol. The year marked the centenary of Maulana Maudoodi's birth. Tarjaman-ul-Quran - a politico-religious journal that Maudoodi established - paid a tribute to him by publishing two special issues one of these two has been recently published on his life and works. This should be an appropriate occasion to reappraise Maulana Maudoodis' views on Pakistan and the Pakistan movement. To infer Maudoodis' views on Muslim identity in India and the demand for Pakistan, I have relied on the two-volume anthology of his articles, titled as "Muslims and the Indian Freedom Movement" Lahore: Islamic Publications.
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The first volume consists of articles written during the Congress rule in which Maudoodi has delved upon the contours of Muslim identity and its future as a minority in India.
His befitting rejoinder to Husain Ahmed Madni helps enumerate his own views on this issue. Madni had found Indian nationality compatible with the Islamic teachings.
For Maudoodi, Ummat in that context referred to an alliance - a meaning that can easily be deduced in accordance with the grammatical orthodoxy of the Arabic language. He thought that an Indian nationality that relief on Wardha and Vidya Mandar education schemes would be inimical to the "national type" of the Indian Muslims and would submerge their identity. He made allusions to the sufferings of the Irish and Czech minorities and felt that gradually Muslims would be stripped of their distinct identity and assimilated within the fold of Indian nationalism.
Indian nationality would give way to Hindu nationalism, and the Muslims would be required to give precedence to nationalism over religion. This was anathema to a person like Maudoodi, who was "more interested in Islam than Muslims".
He argued that the Quran refers to the Muslims as Hizb, which means 'Party'. Whereas nations are racially based, parties are ideological. In this sense, Muslims were not a nation but a party Hizb Allah with their own dogma and charter, pitched against the party of the devil Hizb ul Shaitaan. Hence if a Muslim was to choose between his Indian and Muslim identity, he had to prefer the latter. Maudoodi was ambivalently placed in his response to the Pakistan movement. He had opposed the Congress party's policies during the Congress rule affecting the Muslim culture and religion.
He effectively countered the academic challenge posed by the Congress intellectual elite who were bent upon establishing an all-embracing Indian nationality without there being a cultural, linguistic and religious homogeneity.
The distinctiveness of the Muslim identity that Maudoodi helped establish through his writings enlightened the common Muslim and also proved to be beneficial for the Muslim League. Still, Maudoodi could not agree with the demand for Pakistan as propounded by Muslim League and led by the Quaid-i-Azam. It was so because for Maudoodi the "Pakistan Movement" based on the idea of Muslim nationalism was un-Islamic in many ways.
Rasail Wa Masail Vol 2 - Syed Abul Aala Maududi
In order for it to be Islamic, it had to be led by Muslims well versed in the teachings of Islam. The present leadership, he felt, would hardly qualify for the lowest rungs in a 'proper' Islamic movement or a party.
Pakistan, thus established, would form an 'infidel' government of the Muslims as existed in other parts of the Islamic world like Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan.
Muslim nationalism, if it did not lead to the establishment of an Islamic system, was to be as much despicable as Hindu nationalism. And since the Muslim League had always been interested more in securing quotas and political rights from the British government for example the Quaid-i-Azam's 14 points or assurances from the Congress to safeguard the rights procured, the demand for Pakistan was all about political power and had nothing to do with Islam.
Hence Maudoodi did not allow his disciples to vote for the Muslim League in the crucial elections of on the plea that the proposed parliament was going to be elected and run on the un-Islamic western principles of the people s' sovereignty. But he favoured a pro-Pakistan vote in the NWFP referendum, saying that this matter needed to be taken differently from the vote for parliament in The paradox, however, still remained.
The NWFP was to become part of a state where an 'infidel' government of the Muslims with a parliament based on the people's sovereignty at least before the Objectives Resolution of no one thought it to be other than that was to be established. It was even more paradoxical that in his later writings Maudoodi attributed the creation of Pakistan to divine will! Whereas in the first volume Maudoodi is plainly rationalist in identifying the Muslim problems and defining their identity in India, in the second volume he is vaguely idealistic in his approach to suggest an alternative for the Muslims in the crucial phase of the freedom movement He believed that instead of emphasizing on Muslim nationalism, efforts should be concerted to introduce Islam as a movement to all the Indians.
He went to the extent of saying that if an Islamic movement lead by a 'proper' leadership was pursued with a revolutionary spirit, presenting practical, living and universal solutions of course Islamic to the Indian problems, it was very probable that non-Muslims would be found more enthusiastic in its support than Muslims! Had the efforts been undertaken in this regard, lamented Maudoodi, the whole of Hindustan would have become Pakistan.
It does not mean that he called for a movement to spread Islam just to convert non-Muslims into Muslims. He aimed to offer Islam as an alternative "system". A well-organized cadre party with enthusiastic and well-disciplined members was to launch this movement. The Jamaat-i-lslami was later established by Maudoodi for this purpose.
He believed that Islam could not simply be one of the many parties in a system. It was inherent in the nature of this 'party' that it alone should exist. Ironically, Maudoodi accused his rivals as fascists and Nazis insofar as they were interested in the revival, glory and supremacy of the "Muslim nation" and not that of Islam. For the Muslim minority left in India, Maudoodi advised them to wait for the communal and nationalist zeal to recede.
He felt that the Indians would soon realize the hollowness and inadequacies of the political and economic solutions suggested for the problems of India. It would then be for the Indian Muslims to capitalize upon this weakness and put forward the alternative 'system' of Islam.
Rasail O Masail by Maulana Syed Abul Aala Maududi
Greatly inspired by the Bolshevik revolution, he suggested patterning the Islamic movement in India on similar footings. If a handful of communists could succeed in establishing a Marxist regime in the Soviet Union, then the Indian Muslims - numbering more than 50 million - had a better chance of succeeding, only if one-twentieth of these numbers could be trained as effective and dedicated workers of the Islamic movement.
It can be aptly remarked that Maudoodi envisioned an Islamic putsch that would be Leninist in scope and extent but Menshevik in its approach and strategy. The purpose of this essay is not to degrade Maulana Maudoodi's stature as one of the great Islamic scholars of the 20th century.
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It should better be left for the readers to ascertain whether Maudoodi erred in his Ijtehad or not. It would also be inappropriate to doubt the loyalty of religious parties towards Pakistan.
At the same time, it is for the religious parties to realize as well that they should stop posing themselves as the sole custodians of Pakistan and its 'ideology'. It is because such a claim is not only factually ill-founded but has also, due to its abuse for political gains, proved to be intellectually stifling. JI used this cover for their party canvassing through a train journey started from Karachi to Khyber.
So where goes the claims of Jamat-e-Islami's Wahabism which was just an effort to get Saudi Riyals for the party cause. The Jamat Islami-Army nexus has been a part of our history, either marginally as under Ayub Khan or covertly as under Yahya Khan or naked and deeply written into the system as under Ziaul Haq.
Ayub's secularism as part of the military culture of British Indian Army was like an open book without any fine print. Even the prefix Islamic attaching to the Republic of Pakistan was dropped until restored under the writ of superior judiciary.
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That continued to be the case until the fateful day of when India attacked Pakistan along the international border, with Lahore as its principal target.
Even in his first address to the nation within hours of the Indian invasion, Ayub went on to recite the 'Kalama-i-Tayyaba' in a stirring, emotion-choked voice. His subsequent meeting with religious parties - mainly the Jamaat-i-Islami under Maulana 'Abul 'Ala Maududi - marked the beginning of the military-mullah nexus.
Yahya would not have much to do with things spiritual until the induction of retired Maj. Sher Ali Khan into his cabinet as minister in-charge of information and national affairs.
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Cyber Crime in the Society: A Novel" file. It was so because for Maudoodi the "Pakistan Movement" based on the idea of Muslim nationalism was un-Islamic in many ways. Jun 14, In its general sense, fiqh includes only matters of conduct amaliyyat and excludes matters of belief i 'tiqadiyyat and of ethics akhlaqiyyat. Furthermore, Islamic 'Jihad' also refuses to admit their right to continue with such practices under an Islamic government which fatally affect the public interest from the viewpoint of Islam.
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